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HIGHLIGHTS OF EARLY EWE (OUR) HISTORY - "OURSTORY"
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A
Short Summary By Prof. D. E. K. Amenumey
Department of History - University of Cape Coast -
Ghana |
The Ewe people inhabit the territory equivalent roughly to
the south-eastern quarter of Ghana and the southern half
of TOGO.
The EWE country is bounded by the rivers MONO
and VOLTA and extends from the Atlantic coast inland up
to about latitude 7. 6'N. in the east and latitude 7o
20' N. in the west. Across the south eastern boundary
line a related people - the FON of BENIN (formerly
DAHOMEY).
The EWE people have not always lived in their
present home. Their traditions recall a migration from
the east - more precisely KETU a YORUBA town in modern
BENIN. KETU is also called AMEDZOFE or MAWUFE in the
accounts. KETU was founded by the YORUBA people by the
fourteenth century at the latest.
In it lived besides the forebears of the EWE,
the YORUBA and the ancestors of the AJA, FON, and GA-DANGME.
It was the expansion of the YORUBA people that pushed
the EWE and related peoples westward.
The migrants went to live at TADO in present-day TOGO
from where they later dispersed in various directions.
Some returned east to settle at ALLADA from
where they founded the AJA kingdom of ALLADA, WHYDAH,
POPO and JAKIN, and later the FON kingdom of DAHOMEY in
the early eighteenth century.
The ancestors of the EWE went to live at NOTSIE, which
was walled round.
Here, the entire community known as DOGBOAWO
lived together, each unit in its individual ward under
its own head. All of them were ruled by the king of
NOTSIE. The early kings ruled well and the kingdom
expanded. Trouble began when AGOKOLI ascended the
throne. It is not clear whether he was the third or
fifth king.
Because of his harsh and tyrannical, rule the
people decided to escape. During the flight from NOTSIE
the fugitives divided into three major groups. Broadly
speaking, one group went to settle in the northern part
of the new home. It founded the towns of HOHOE, MATSE,
PEKI, KPANDO, AWUDOME, ALAVANYO, KPALIME, AGU, VE,
KPEDZE and WODZE.
The second group founded the settlements of HO,
AKOVIE, TAKLA, KPENOE, HODZO, KLEVI, SOKODE, ABUTIA and
ADAKLU. And the third group took the southern route and
went to settle in the coastal region of the new
homeland. It founded TSEVIE, BE - which later gave
birth to AGOENYIVE, BAGIDA and LOME - TOGO, ABOBO, WHETA,
ANLO, KLIKOR, AVE, FENYI, AFIFE, TSIAME, GAME, TAVIA,
TANYIGBE, etc.
Later other peoples from the west, ACCRA, ELMINA,
LEKPOGUNO and DENKYERA came to settle near and amidst
them. The GA (from Accra) settled around GLIDZI, the
ANE or MINA from ELMINA settled at ANEXO, the DANGME
from LADOKU settled at ADANGBE, AGOTIME, while the
DENKYERA settled among the TONGU, along the river VOLTA.
The traditions do not provide any absolute
chronology of the episodes and incidents recounted.
However, in the early twentieth century when the
accounts were first recorded, tradition then put the
arrival of the Ewe in their new home at ten or more
generations back.
Furthermore, the Ewe tradition concerning their
accession to their new home is corroborated by evidence
in the form of traditions of other people like the AJA,
and FON and identifiable sites, recorded history and
archaeological reconstruction.
On the basis of evidence from these other
sources it can now be stated that the dispersal into
their new home must have occurred sometime during the
early seventeenth century. It would appear that the
area into which the EWE moved was not completely devoid
of human habitation.
But the original inhabitants were easily
assimilated. As to whether what occurred was a mass
movement or that of a few lineages, which later
disseminated their story among the people of the
dispersed settlements, the evidence points to the former
rather than the latter probability.
The EWE penetrated their new homeland in a
series of waves. Later, some groups broke away from the
original settlements to found new ones. It was in this
way that the area was filled up. The original
settlements were few and dispersed. They took the form
of villages consisting of small kinship groups.
The people settled down and laid claim to all
the land in the area. The land was parcelled out among
the various families. With the growth of the population
the prestige of the leaders increased. Apart from the
chiefs that had existed in the days of the sojourn at
NOTSIE other chiefs now emerged.
These were mostly the original founders of
villages. The kind of chieftaincy that emerged was one
of a constitutional head. The chiefs reigned rather
than ruled, and their powers were effectively
circumscribed by the elders whom they had to consult
always.
Contrary to Prof. D. Westernann's claims, the
EWE had had chiefs at least from NOTSIE onwards. Quite
early chieftaincy became hereditary patrilineally either
in two clans as in ANLO or two or three lineages as in
PEKI, HO, NOTSIE or in individual lineages, which is the
more widespread practice.
Though the office was hereditary, yet within the
particular lineage or clan it was elective. In course
of time the original settlements expanded to become the
individual states of present-day Eweland, some of which
encompassed a number of towns and stretched over
substantial land areas.
The names of the original nuclear settlements
came to be applied to all the area occupied by the
people originating from them. For example ANLO derived
from ANLOGA the nuclear settlement and WATSI from NOTSIE.
These states or DUKOWO varied in size from WODZE, which
is a single city state to ANLO, which had 36 towns. In
1906, the North German missionary Jacob Spieth counted
120 of these.
In the days of poor communication when vast
areas lay much unexplored the territorial unit was
perforce small. The DUKOWO were independent of one
another except by way of trade. Each DUKO considered
itself an autonomous unit, however all acknowledged that
they were all essentially one people.
Some of these DUKOWO are the following. Along
the coast going east away from the river Volta, are ANLO,
BE, GE. Inland behind the coastal DUKOWO are PEKI,
ADAKLU, TOVE, HO, KPANDO, WATSI etc.
The EWE did not evolve a single all - encompassing
state. A number of reasons account for this.
Some were geographical, others were economic.
Another crucial reason was that no single EWE DUKO was
able to permanently impose its authority on the others
and thereby create a unified state. For example, ANLO
and GE tried to expand to attain boundaries that would
ensure their political and economic survival, and also
confer on them prosperity and political power.
But both were operating at the same time and in
the same restricted area, that is the EWE coastal belt.
Furthermore, both depended a good deal on the same
economic activity-trade in slaves. This clash of
territorial and economic interests led to many conflicts
and wars between them in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries.
Neither, however, enjoyed absolute military
superiority over the other, so complete military defeat
became impossible. Therefore permanent conquest could
not be achieved. The conflict between ANLO and GE was
never to be permanently resolved in favour of either.
The frequent clashes merely resulted in stalemate or
transient acquisition of territory by one at the expense
of the other.
Foreign political and military intervention in
the EWE territory also contributed to the inability of
the EWE to evolve a single political unit. This
contributed to the inability of either ANLO or GE to
completely dominate the other and possibly the rest of
EWELAND. The consequence of foreign intervention was
generally to disorganise the territory and accentuate
the division of the states.
In the period before the imposition of colonial
rule over the EWE, the states that intervened in EWELAND
were GRAND POPO, AKWAMU, DAHOMEY and the European state
of Denmark. The intervention by GRAND POPO and DAHOMEY
was inconsequential while that of the other two had a
greater and more enduring impact.
From the late seventeenth century AKWAMU began
to help ANLO in its wars with GE and more importantly
those with ADA and other states west of the river
VOLTA. A number of writers like WILKS, KEA and more
recently GREENE and ACHEAMPONG have claimed AKWAMU
hegemony over ANLO. The so-called evidence in support
of this claim is however contradicted by the known
facts.
The AKWAMU-ANLO relationship was one of a
politico-economic alliance. Through its alliance with
ANLO AKWAMU was assured of regular supplies of salt and
dried fish and the coastal markets to which she could
take its slaves for sale. For its part ANLO was assured
of military assistance. Since the late seventeenth
century (1682) various witnesses and writers have
testified to the persistence of this alliance.
Despite the linguistic difference and the
geographical separation between the two peoples, the
AKWAMU-ANLO entente was to endure into the nineteenth
century. So intimate and persistent was the
relationship that some versions of ANLO traditions
actually claim that the AKWAMU also evolved from KETU,
like the EWE.
The ANLO-AKWAMU alliance provided a wider
dimension to the numerous wars that ANLO fought with the
GE to the east and ADA and its allies to the west. As a
riposte to the ANLO-AKWAMU alliance, GE also found
allies in the enemies of ANLO and AKWAMU, to wit, ADA,
GA, AKWAPIM etc.
The ANLO-GE conflicts occupied the closing years
of the seventeenth and the best part of the eighteenth
centuries. These conflicts derived from a clash of
competing political and economic interests. They came
to an end by the close of the eighteenth century.
Neither state had succeeded in expanding permanently at
the expense of the other, nor in absorbing it.
However, it is fair to state that the GE state
which, on the whole, proved the stronger of the two was
only prevented by the actual or threatened intervention
of AKWAMU and ASANTE on certain decisive occasions.
On the other hand it would appear that ANLO was
generally more involved in its conflicts with its
western neighbours.
ANLO's quarrels with these people - ADA, GA and
AGAVE were mostly due to a clash of economic interests,
squabbles over salt and fishing right in the VOLTA
estuary and occasionally actual slave raiding. The
economic rivalry aided and abetted by other factors led
to a number of battles in which the ADA, AGAVE and GA
were usually ranged against ANLO.
These wars started around 1750 and lasted well
into the nineteenth century. There exist documented
accounts of hostilities in 1750, 1769, 1776 and 1780.
It was the signal defeat that ANLO inflicted on ADA on
26 October 1780 when it surprised ADA, defeated it and
burnt the town that provided the background to a
subsequent mobilization of forces against ANLO by the
DANES in 1784.
This was because the ANLO victory threatened the
DANISH company which had built a commercial lodge at ADA
and which was now trying to dominate the entire coast
east of Accra. The fact is that even though European
nations and trading companies had been operating in West
Africa from the fifteenth century onwards, the EWE coast
had originally been free of European activities because
of its " burning surf".
The little trade done by Europeans was
transacted on board passing vessels. But from about 1720
the DUTCH and later the ENGLISH and DANES began to
establish lodges at ANEXO, AFLAO, KETA and WOE.
Beginning from the 1780's the DANES took advantage of
the ANGLO-DUTCH war of 1780, which had weakened the
DUTCH position on the GOLD COAST, to initiate a plan to
establish their commercial dominance in the area east of
Accra.
This policy very quickly brought the DANISH
company face to face with ANLO which, following its
defeat of ADA, now controlled the VOLTA river.
Furthermore, ANLO wanted to establish conditions in
which it could dictate terms to the EUROPEAN traders and
also pick and choose which of these it would deal with.
This attitude and the possibility of ANLO trading with
DENMARK's rivals stood in the way of DANISH plans.
The plunder of the DANISH agent nicknamed
"SAGBADRE" (swallow) at KETA in 1783 provided a
convenient excuse for the DANES to declare war on ANLO.
In March 1784 the DANISH Governor of CHRISTIANSBORG
secured a force among the GA, ADA, KROBO, AKWAPIM and GE
all of whom had by then become traditional enemies of
ANLO. An army of 4,000 troops heavily defeated ANLO.
The people had to flee and seek refuge with
WHETA and KLIKOR in turn. A number of ANLO towns were
burnt. ANLO was made to sign a peace treaty which was
initialed on 18th June 1784. Under its
provisions the DANES secured the right to build a fort
at KETA and a free passage through ANLO. They also
obtained the permission to set up a trading post at
ANLOGA, the ANLO capital which had to be rebuilt.
ANLO was made to give an undertaking not to
trade with any European nation other than DENMARK, and
not to take its canoes to sea. These stipulations amply
demonstrated what the war had really been about. The
terms of the treaty aimed at one thing - namely to make
DANISH commerce predominant in the ANLO area. The
construction of the fort began almost immediately
afterwards.
The military defeat of ANLO proved to be a
blessing in disguise politically because it served to
bind some of the neighbouring EWE states to ANLO. The
lessons of the war were not lost on them. The result
was that other DUKOWO like DZODZE, KLIKOR, FENYI and
WHETA began to identify themselves with ANLO and to
regard it as their champion against foreign
imperialism.
The beginnings of what emerged more clearly
later as the ANLO Confederation or Greater ANLO can be
dated to this period. The Danish victory of 1784 did not
lead to any effective imposition of DANISH authority on
ANLO. The invasion did not achieve a complete
pacification of the country. In less than a decade the
fragile DANISH position at KETA was made untenable.
The hostility that was aroused against the
DANISH presence and the garrison of the fort at KETA in
particular was to lead fortuitously to civil war in ANLO
in1792. This was the SOME war. The people of KETA were
forced to flee to settle on land given them by the
people of KLIKOR. Here they founded the state of SOME
with its capital at AGBOSUME.
From this time on the former people of KETA now
the SOME ceased to be part of ANLO. BLEKUSU, about five
miles east of KETA became the eastern boundary of ANLO.
This secession of the former residents of KETA
constituted one of the permanent political set-backs
that ANLO suffered during the pre-colonial period.
If ANLO suffered some loss of its territorial
integrity during this phase, what happened to its rival
to the east, GE was even worse. The GE state evolved
from the mixture of the local segment of the EWE and the
immigrants from ACCRA, ELMINA and LADOKU from the
seventeenth century onwards.
It spanned 15 towns, starting from east of
BAGIDA to AGOUE along the coast and extending inland up
to the latitude of VOGA. Its most important towns were
GLIDZI the capital and ANEXO (Little Popo) the
commercial center. The component towns had their own
chiefs who were subordinate to the king of GLIDZI.
Fairly early, ANEXO acquired a position of
prominence. Being the only coastal port of the GE it
took on an aspect of importance. It was the one place
where foreign and local trade was transacted. It was at
the base of the economic development of the entire
state. Because of its favourable commercial position
ANECHO began to steal the limelight from GLIDZI, at
least as far as external affairs were concerned.
In the accounts of the Europeans the name Little
Popo (ANEXO) came to be applied to the entire GE state.
The king of GE was called the king of Little Popo while
in reality his seat was at GLIDZI. The GE consolidated
their position in the area of their settlement and
engaged in wars and a series of alliances that would
guarantee their security.
During the course of the late seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries they periodically extended their
political power westwards over BE and AFLAO and even
further west occasionally. For example in 1792 they
helped the former residents of KETA to defeat ANLO.
They also engaged in conflicts of one kind or
the other with their neighbours to the east - AJA and
FON. Though they won individual spectacular battles
they did not extend their control over the peoples to
the east. In fact the effective establishment of
DAHOMEY along the AJA coast from the 1730's put paid to
GE ambitions there. In fact by the end of the
eighteenth century GE political control became
restricted once more to the original frontiers.
From this time the capital began to degenerate
apparently due to internal squabbles within the royal
house and collateral lineages. On the other hand ANXEO
continued to rise to prominence thanks to the enterprise
of its inhabitants who engaged actively in trade.
Before the end of the eighteenth century ANEXO had
become the most important GE town.
This subversion of the traditional political
hierarchy and system became accentuated during the
course of the nineteenth century. Just as ANEXO had
eclipsed GLIDZI in importance because of the wealth it
drew from its trade with the Europeans, in like manner
the most prosperous lineage in ANEXO began to challenge
the legal political head - the chief of ANEXO.
The position of chief of ANEXO became the object
of rivalry, which in turn interfered with the customary
obligations of the office. These disputes led to the
opposition of the LAWSON lineage - the most wealthy and
best "educated" lineage to the ruling ADJIGO family of
ANEXO. In 1821 the LAWSON family inaugurated a rival
chieftaincy in the town.
Henceforth, two lines of chiefs continued to
reign concurrently over different sections of ANEXO,
each claiming to be the rightful chief of the entire
town. The rivalry flared into open war again in 1835.
These developments in ANEXO did not only affect the
position of the chief there, but the authority of the
king of GLIDZI as well and the cohesiveness of the GE as
the polity.
GE society divided into two groups - one around
the king residing at GLIDZI, the other around the
"Caboceers" i.e. the notables of ANEXO - the ADJIGO and
LAWSON were richer and more powerful than the king at
GLIDZI.
The conflict between the ANEXO factions completely
discredited the authority of the king of GLIDZI.
From the mid-nineteenth century travellers'
accounts it is clear that the GE state had disintegrated
into a collection of politically independent towns.
AGOUE, PORTO SEGURO, GLIDZI, ANEXO were all described as
autonomous. This position contrasted vividly with those
of ANLO and PEKI, which by this time - the middle of the
nineteenth century had either increased their political
influence or extended their frontiers.
ANLO's relations with AKWAMU contrasted sharply
with that of PEKI and neighbouring states known
collectively as KREPI. KREPI was the vague term by
which Europeans in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries designated the north-western part of the EWE
territory. Broadly speaking it approximates to the
dialect group that the people themselves call "WEME".
KREPI was not a single political entity but
comprised a number of states or towns, which were
independent of one another. PEKI was the most renowned
of these, but others were HO, KPANDO, ALAVANYO, TAVIEFE
and HOHOE. During the first half of the eighteenth
century, AKWAMU, which built up a strong empire in the
south-eastern part of the GOLD COAST, extended its
authority over KREPI also.
In July 1707 a large AKWAMU army crossed the
VOLTA and fought a number of engagements with some KREPI
towns such as HO, KPANDO and PEKI. It appears however
that it was in the years after 1730 that AKWAMU came to
establish its suzerainty over KREPI. In that year
AKWAMU lost the western half of its empire following a
severe defeat by AKYEM and others.
A section of the royal family retired to the
eastern territories of the former empire and founded a
new capital AKWAMUFIE in the VOLTA gorge. It was during
the period after this settlement across the VOLTA that
AKWAMU really subdued the KREPI. By the close of the
eighteenth century it had imposed some form of
suzerainty over most, if not all the KREPI towns.
There were economic reasons that motivated
AKWAMU domination of KREPI. The KREPI towns were
strategically placed on the important trade routes and
along the river VOLTA that linked the coast with the
important market centers up to KRATCHI and SALAGHA and
beyond. Slaves could be obtained in the northern
centers and in KREPI itself and taken to the coast.
By maintaining a hold on KREPI AKWAMU could
control traffic on the VOLTA and also land traffic
between the coast and the north. Besides, this would
complement its policy of supporting ANLO in the latter's
attempt to dominate the VOLTA estuary. AKWAMU did not
introduce any regular imperial administration over KREPI.
No viceroys or governors were posted to KREPI towns, as
for example had been the case in NINGO and ADA.
The local chiefs continued to perform their
usual functions. But AKWAMU exacted tribute in kind -
mostly slaves, and in cash from the people. This was
enforced by periodic military expeditions and raids.
The KREPI towns also provided military assistance in
times of war and were required to provide safe passage
to AKWAMU traders.
Though AKWAMU itself came under ASANTE
suzerainty from the 1740's it retained its hold on KREPI.
The latter still remained its vassal except that it now
paid tribute to the ASANTEHENE through the AKWAMUHENE.
AKWAMU hold on KREPI was quite high-handed and
accordingly thoroughly resented.
It was able to maintain this hold largely
because of the lack of cooperation between the various
KREPI towns. PEKI the strongest town enjoyed a favoured
position in the AKWAMU imperium and was actually
employed by AKWAMU to maintain its hold on the KREPI
states.
Only concerted action could end AKWAMU
domination, but this was not easily achieved. Two
futile attempts by AWUDOME in 1829 and NYIVE in 1831 to
throw off the AKWAMU yoke are significant only in this
respect that they illustrate the apathy and disunity
among the KREPI states.
Rather than come together to fight for their
independence, some states like PEKI together with other
non-EWE towns like BOSO and ANUM actually fought
alongside AKWAMU to subdue the defiant towns. The third
attempt in 1833 was to succeed because it was
spear-headed by PEKI and also because it involved
concerted action by all the KREPI states and towns.
As part of the preparatory groundwork chief
KWADZO DEI of PEKI organized an alliance of the KREPI
states. Together they defeated AKWAMU and regained
their independence. PEKI emerged from the war as the
leader of a new bigger territorial unit. During the war
nearly all the EWE states north of ADAKLU and west of
PALIME united under its leadership.
There are conflicting views about the exact
nature and import of the 1833 alliance. One is that it
was merely a war time entente while the other is that it
was meant and actually constituted a permanent union.
PEKI has always maintained that it was a permanent
affair and that after the conclusion of the war the
other chiefs made KWADZO DEI of PEKI their head and
subordinated their stools to PEKI.
This claim has been hotly denied by some of
these states and peoples. It appears from the evidence
available that apart from the towns in the neighbourhood
of PEKI like ANUM, BOSO, AWUDOME, ABUTIA, HLEFI, AVEME,
SOKODE and ANFOE, PEKI had no real claim to and
exercised no suzerainty over the other KREPI states or
towns. The former states recognized PEKI's leadership
for a long time after the 1833 war.
In the case of BOSO, ANUM and AWUDOME a
permanent union with PEKI was created. This is borne
out by the fact that since then BOSO and AWUDOME
acquired the right to enstool the FIA of PEKI. The
chiefs of the states outside greater PEKI did not
require recognition from the FIA of PEKI or paid him any
tribute. All the same the various KREPI states and
towns appeared to regard PEKI as their protector and
paid some measure of deference to its leadership.
By the middle of the nineteenth century the
political outlines of the territory of the EWE people
had long been fixed more or less. There was no
centralized government embracing the entire country.
The few attempts at territorial aggregation had achieved
only limited success. The people were still split into
a number of DUKOWO or states of varying sizes and
military potence. On the other hand some of these had
come together to form bigger political units.
The two most important of these states were ANLO
and PEKI. Except for the state of SOME which was
separate from ANLO, the political authority and or
influence of the ANLO King now extended far beyond the
traditional 36 towns to includes all the area roughly
east of the VOLTA to AFLAO and extending inland up to
the southern boundary of ADAKLU but excluding the
majority of the TONGU states along the VOLTA.
The 13 TONGU states were independent of one
another but subject to the competing influences of ANLO,
ADA and AKWAMU. Further inland, PEKI had formed a big
composite state with AWUDOME and the KYERENONG states of
BOSO and ANUM and their environs. Furthermore, in his
capacity the leader of the alliance that overthrow
AKWAMU, the king of PEKI had acquired some prestige in
the eyes of the members of the erstwhile alliance.
Though not a political unit, these states shared
some degree of understanding. In between ANLO and the
KREPI states lay the state of ADAKLU, which was
autonomous. It belonged to neither group but the
superior power of ANLO and AKWAMU usually swayed it to
their side. Further east there were no big political
units. The former paramountcy of GE had disintegrated
into a collection of virtually independent towns.
The only state of any considerable size was
AVE. It comprised eight divisions each of which had its
own chief, but all of these were subordinate to the king
at KEVE. This situation of separate and individual
existence on the part of the EWE states was to be ended
by the imposition of colonial rule towards the end of
the nineteenth century.
When that phase in turn came to an end by about
the middle of the twentieth century the EWE territory
remained split between the independent republics of
GHANA and TOGO.
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